A conversation between Hamza Hamouchene, Lebohang Liepollo Pheko and Yvonne Busisiwe Phyllis
In the ongoing discourse surrounding environmental justice, the concept of “green colonialism” has emerged as a critical lens to examine the historical and contemporary injustices faced by marginalized communities in the global South, including within the context of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. In this interview Hamza Hamouchene, Lebohang Liepollo Pheko, Yvonne Phyllis discuss the book Dismantling Green Colonialism: Energy and Climate Justice in the Arab Region. The book is edited by Hamza Hamouchene and Katie Sandwell and serves as a vital contribution to this dialogue, shedding light on the interconnected struggles of energy, climate, and social justice.
This discussion explores key themes from the book and accompanying discussions, emphasizing the necessity of adopting a holistic, intersectional perspective that acknowledges the complexity of systemic injustice. It was originally an interview conducted by Yvonne during Hamza’s book launch series in South Africa, which the three speakers were part of anchoring in various ways. This article is a summary of the original interview, transcribed into an accessible, narrative form.
The book Dismantling Green Colonialism: Energy and Climate Justice in the Arab Region argues that achieving energy and climate justice requires recognizing and addressing the intersectional nature of systemic injustices, demanding a comprehensive approach to “dismantling.” It emphasizes how climate and energy justice bring various injustices to the forefront, including issues related to land, class, race, gender, power, global capitalism, neoliberalism, the privatization of commons, and dispossession. The history of the just transition movement illustrates the power of intersectional activism, originating with labor and environmental justice movements in the United States and Canada and later expanding globally, especially in South America and South Africa. This coalition of labor, Indigenous groups, women’s movements, youth, students, and others envisions a just transition as transformative solutions to the climate crisis, addressing root causes and centering human rights, ecological renewal, and people’s sovereignty.
The MENA region plays a central role in the global capitalist economy, acting as a hub for infrastructure, finance, trade, logistics, and fossil fuels. Originally integrated into the global economy in a subordinate position during colonial times, the region's economies were shaped around resource extraction, resulting in vast wealth transfers to imperial centers and leaving a legacy of inequality, poverty, and ecological crises. Although there are differences within the region—Gulf countries are wealthier than their neighbors—they continue to perpetuate neo-colonial practices like land grabs and economic plunder, acting as “sub-imperialist forces” within the region. These ongoing economic, social, and environmental injustices are deeply tied to the region's colonial past and its embedded role in the global capitalist system.
The discussion examined the racial and colonial dimensions of land grabbing, displacement, and disregard for marginalized communities, particularly Black and Brown populations, who bear the brunt of environmental and social costs as “sacrifice zones.” This concept, including “green sacrifice zones,” describes areas where costs of capitalist extraction are offloaded onto vulnerable populations in the Global South and marginalized groups in the Global North, extending colonial practices through “terra nullius” logic. Hamza argued that these sacrifice zones, for projects from fossil fuels to green initiatives, reflect the same exploitative and dehumanizing capitalist forces. The idea of “green colonialism” was presented as a new form of imperialism under the guise of sustainability, where the global “green” transition still relies on extractive practices, perpetuating displacement in regions rich in rare minerals like the Congo and Latin America’s lithium triangle. Green colonialism, according to Hamza, mirrors “green capitalism” by expanding capitalist exploitation in the name of sustainability, exemplified by carbon offset schemes that displace Indigenous communities to allow major polluters to continue emissions. This “decarbonization by dispossession” illustrates how the burden of climate action is shifted onto vulnerable communities, reflecting the persistence of imperialism and capitalism in the so-called green era. Addressing these exploitative systems is seen as essential for creating truly just, anti-imperialist, and anti-capitalist solutions.
Yvonne Phillips (YP): This book really speaks to activists because it frames the struggle not just as a fight against injustice but as a journey toward creating the kind of world we want to live in. It helped me see how essential it is to consider the bigger social, political, and economic contexts when thinking about energy and climate justice. I found it very relatable, and I appreciated its holistic, intersectional approach, which acknowledges the complexity of systemic injustice. The book does a great job of offering an interconnected perspective on the struggles and aspirations in the MENA region, especially around energy and climate justice. Its exploration of concepts like ‘green colonialism’ and ‘green capitalism’ was eye-opening, exposing how the capitalist system tries to reinvent itself under the guise of sustainability and green tech. Another important aspect was the book’s critique of militarization and securitization within the climate justice movement. It’s a powerful reminder that we need to avoid framing these issues in terms of security alone. Additionally, the discussion around reparations and the idea of a ‘just transition’ as something revolutionary, anti-capitalist, and anti-imperialist really stood out to me. It’s a crucial contribution, I think. Overall, the book’s holistic, intersectional, and decolonial approach provides such a nuanced understanding of the complex dynamics at play in energy, climate, and social justice in the MENA region and beyond.“
Hamza Hamouchene (HH): Indeed, neoliberalism has been a huge force behind the privatization and commodification of the commons, leading to more dispossession and exploitation of both land and resources. Neoliberal policies really tie into the capitalist and imperialist logic of 'accumulation by dispossession,' where wealth and resources are pulled out of the Global South and funneled into the power centers of the Global North. This model has deeply shaped the economies of the MENA region, reinforcing extractive, export-focused systems that ultimately benefit former colonial powers and today’s global capital hubs, with local elites often complicit in this dynamic. What’s called 'development' here could actually be more accurately described as 'underdevelopment'—it has only worsened inequality, poverty, and ecological crises across the region. On top of this, we see climate and environmental issues increasingly securitized and militarized, strengthening the state's coercive power under the guise of addressing these challenges. Challenging neoliberal capitalism is essential in the struggle against land grabs, displacement, and the erosion of respect for both land and people. We need a radical, anti-capitalist, and anti-imperialist approach that outright rejects the neoliberal emphasis on privatization and profit at the expense of people’s wellbeing and the environment.
Lebohang Liepollo Pheko (LLP): I think we can also see this in BRICS expansionism, which is often portrayed as multipolarity, but it’s really more about diffusing imperial power rather than challenging it. Take South Africa, for example: it positions itself as a revolutionary, pro-Palestinian ally, yet it's the second-largest exporter of coal to that very region. This contradiction—‘talk left, do right’—is part of a larger pattern where countries with progressive rhetoric end up reinforcing neo-colonial relations, even in situations like the Palestinian struggle. There’s also this link between settler colonialism and climate colonialism, where the dehumanization and displacement of both people and resources are justified in the name of ‘development’ and ‘sustainability.’ It’s crucial to understand that this colonial mindset—one of land dispossession and exploitation—isn’t just historical; it’s still shaping today’s forms of imperial expansion, even when masked with seemingly progressive or anti-imperialist language.
HH: We drew on Samir Amin's work to discuss what a true 'just transition' entails, especially in terms of decolonization and breaking away from the imperialist capitalist system. Amin’s idea of ‘de-linking’ for Global South countries—creating economies that prioritize local sovereignty and people's needs over export-driven growth—is essential here. A just transition, from this perspective, has to be anti-imperialist, focusing on economic sovereignty and democratization rather than only addressing technical or environmental issues. Amin's concept of 'unequal economic and ecological exchange' sheds light on the ongoing wealth transfers and imbalances between the Global North and South that sustain injustices, especially in the MENA region. His ideas provide a strong critique of green capitalism and green colonialism, laying the groundwork for a truly transformative, anti-capitalist, and anti-imperialist just transition. His thinking helps anchor our vision in a tradition of Marxist, anti-imperialist, and decolonial political economy, which is crucial for creating real, emancipatory change rather than replicating existing power structures.
LLP: Perhaps this also leads us to think in terms of the colonial concept of ‘terra nullius’—the idea of ‘empty land’—which has historically been used to justify land dispossession and displacement of Indigenous and local communities. This logic, of viewing land as ‘empty’ or ‘sparsely populated,’ has enabled the exploitation and displacement of Black and Brown communities, both historically and today. I drew a comparison with a hypothetical scenario where the Congo might claim Belgium’s land as ‘empty’ to extract resources, highlighting the brutality of Belgium’s rubber plantations, where over 10 million people were killed, and countless others, including children, suffered amputations as punishment for resistance, alleged theft, or underproduction. This colonial mindset is deeply hypocritical and violent, failing to recognize the sovereignty, humanity, and ancestral bonds communities have with their land. This ‘empty land’ rationale is a key driver of green colonialism and green grabbing today, where communities are displaced in the name of sustainability and climate action. Despite modern awareness that the world is inhabited and interconnected, this same dehumanizing logic persists to dispossess marginalized communities. Recognizing the profound ontological and spiritual ties between people and their land is essential to fighting against land grabbing, displacement, and the disregard for both land and people.
Furthermore, taking a feminist and ecofeminist lens to analyze these issues, grounded in the rich tradition of Afrikan feminism and ecofeminism has been vital to decolonial struggles. Afrikan feminist and ecofeminist approaches provide a strong foundation for addressing environmental, social, and economic justice from a liberatory perspective. Central to this is prioritizing the voices and experiences of women, especially those from marginalized communities, to truly grasp the gendered impacts of land dispossession and the disregard for land and people. Many ecofeminist practices are deeply rooted in the relationship between Indigenous people and nature, often expressed through spirituality, clan totems, taboos, ancestral myths, and rituals. This spiritual and ontological connection to the land is crucial and stands in stark contrast to the colonial and capitalist mindset that views land merely as a resource for extraction. Commodifying or extracting from the land isn’t just a violation of the land—it’s also a form of self-estrangement, a way of ‘dismissing oneself’ from identity and connection. Feminist and ecofeminist perspectives fundamentally challenge the colonial and capitalist view of land as an inanimate object, arguing instead that land is a living, sacred entity with rights and sovereignty. These dimensions are crucial in the fight against intersecting forms of oppression like classism, racism, and ableism, which manifest in the disregard for both land and people. We drew inspiration from Wangari Maathai, who argued that colonialism marked the beginning of nature’s destruction through industrialization, extraction, and commercial agriculture, which devastated ecosystems and displaced communities. Recognizing the deep, symbiotic connection between many Black and Brown communities—especially women—and the land is essential to challenging the colonial and capitalist logic that has long dismissed it.
YP: Working with MVIWATA, a national small-scale farmers’ organization in Tanzania, I’ve witnessed the heartbreaking impacts of land grabbing firsthand, especially as it displaces pastoralist communities for biofuel projects under the guise of ‘national benefit.’ In Tanzania, just as in many places, land grabbing forces rural farmers out of their villages, ignoring their land rights. For these marginalized communities, particularly in Morogoro, the injustices are deeply racial, classed, and gendered, often impacting those with disabilities too. It’s a profoundly personal and emotional experience for those affected, who are left watching as those in power sign away their land and livelihoods. These struggles are intensely intersectional, with impacts felt in racialized, gendered, and ableist ways. For many, land is not just an asset; it’s a living organism, spiritually and ontologically vital. Witnessing the tears and hearing the stories of those dispossessed is truly painful, underscoring the need for a deeper respect for land and people. This disregard—treating land merely as a resource to exploit—is a profound injustice that must be addressed.
LP: It's crucial that we reclaim and re-politicize the language of revolutionary engagement, because when these terms are vacated, it only leads to more displacement and dispossession. The fetishization of certain ‘acceptable’ victims and the colonial gaze on who is seen as Indigenous or legitimate continues to dehumanize and erase affected communities. We need to rethink reparations beyond mere financial compensation—what I call ‘cheque book reparations’ from countries like Belgium and the Netherlands. These payouts don’t address the deeper, spiritual, and ontological harms that colonialism inflicted. I believe in a radical, revolutionary approach that centers the perspectives and self-determination of affected communities, rather than a top-down, state-driven approach. It’s also essential to recognize the deep, symbiotic relationship many Black and Brown communities have with the land, a connection often ignored by the colonial and capitalist mindset focused on extraction and exploitation. We need to reverse the colonial question—imagine the outrage if roles were reversed—to truly expose the inherent hypocrisy and violence of the current system.
Reparations, especially in the climate context, are incredibly complex. We can’t just think of it as financial compensation; it has to be a survivor-centered process where affected communities drive the approach. Non-repetition is difficult to guarantee as long as the capitalist system is still at play, so we need to rethink reparations as something much deeper. It’s about recreating communities, restoring wellness, and, where possible, returning lands and resources—not just offering apologies or payouts. For true reparations, communities should be the ones setting the terms and choosing their own representatives. It’s an open-ended process of healing and redressing power imbalances, one that must also address irreversible environmental damage. Reparations should be seen as an ongoing, transformative process that reconfigures deeply unequal power structures.
HH: A ‘just transition’ is a contested term, with many actors trying to co-opt and water down its meaning, but at its core, it’s a radical, transformative concept rooted in grassroots movements. For me, a just transition is about fundamentally reshaping our social and economic structures to seriously address issues of class, gender, race, and imperialism. It’s anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, and sovereignty-centered, focusing on who owns resources, who decides how they’re used, and in whose interests. It demands economic democratization, putting working people, Indigenous communities, and marginalized groups at the heart of decision-making. This transition must look different depending on the historical and colonial contexts of each region. Reparations are also essential to a true just transition; we can’t achieve justice without acknowledging and addressing past and present harms. To make this happen, we need strong, transnational coalitions of working people, because shifting the balance of power is crucial.
Power dynamics shape these struggles, from the militarization of climate issues to the global capitalist forces driving land grabs and displacement, particularly in the Global South. The Global North and even Gulf countries act as ‘sub-imperialist’ forces in this exploitation. Multinational corporations, agribusinesses, and extractive industries also perpetuate these harms. But we must reclaim the language of revolution and build grassroots movements to challenge these power structures. To truly understand and address these issues, we need to center the voices and lived experiences of those affected, recognizing the intersecting impacts of class, race, gender, and ability. Many communities have deep, spiritual ties to their land, and land grabs are not just a material loss but an assault on identity and culture. Supporting community-led efforts to preserve traditional knowledge and foster dialogues on these ontological and spiritual connections can bring us closer to justice and liberation in these struggles.
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